Arya News - For the first time, a protest brought together students from schools, colleges, madrasas, and universities.
DHAKA – Bangladesh’s student movements have long been rooted in the dormitories of public universities — Dhaka University, Rajshahi University, Jahangirnagar University, and Chittagong University — where slogans, marches, and political pressure have often driven change.
However, the uprising in July 2024 marked a pivotal shift as protests spread beyond the usual public campuses.
A new wave surged from private universities, colleges, madrasas, and even high schools — reshaping the political landscape and rewriting the story of student-led resistance.
Once seen as “disengaged” or “apolitical”, these students emerged as a powerful force in protests that began over job quotas and evolved into a wider demand for justice, accountability, and reform.
HOW IT TURNED INTO A NATIONAL RECKONING
The ignition came on July 14.
At a press conference that day, then prime minister Sheikh Hasina, while defending the 30 percent quota for descendants of freedom fighters, asked, “If the grandchildren of freedom fighters do not receive benefits, should the grandchildren of razakars receive them instead?”
The reference to “razakars” — a term historically used to describe collaborators with the Pakistani army during the 1971 Liberation War — sparked immediate outrage among students.
As protests intensified, so did the violence. Videos of students being beaten by Bangladesh Chhatra League activists flooded social media.
Then, on July 16, Abu Sayed, a student of Begum Rokeya University in Rangpur, was shot dead by police.
That night, the University Grants Commission shut down all public and private universities, medical colleges, and affiliated institutions, citing student safety.
Public university dormitories were evacuated, seemingly to deflate the movement’s momentum. For a moment, it seemed the protests might end.
But then, a new wave rose.
Private university students stepped in. The demonstrations spilled beyond elite campuses, becoming a nationwide movement.
College and even school students joined.
According to the official government gazette, the list of martyrs includes 844 names.
An analysis by profession and age, based on information from families, shows that at least 269 students lost their lives — second only to working-class people, according to a Prothom Alo report.
The scale of student sacrifice marked a historic turning point.
THE MOBILISATION
Private university students were among the first to mobilise; not over quotas, but out of collective outrage and the refusal to stay silent.
Jabed Bin Noor of South East University said, “The government did injustice to students. It doesn’t matter where they studied. Students suffered. When my friend from Dhaka University was attacked on July 14 for a fair demand, it affected me. That’s why we initiated our protest the next day.”
He described people from all walks, including jobseekers, those struggling with living costs, families of the disappeared or ly accused, uniting.
“We all arrived at one truth: our adversary is this government. Its fall is the only path towards our hopes.”
For Hasibul Hasan Shanto of North South University, the protest was personal. “I’ve questioned the government since school…. I even resigned from a law enforcement job after seeing how it was used to rig the 2018 election.
“When the prime minister called us ‘razakar’, that was the moment I knew I had to act. This wasn’t about institutions; it was about doing what’s right.”
He added, “This was a landmark movement. Students from public and private universities, colleges, madrasas, even schools — all stood united. People are loyal to the state. It’s the politicians who drag it into the ditch.”
RESISTANCE IN THE DISTRICTS
Students outside Dhaka — from private universities, colleges, schools — kept joining, even as crackdowns continued.
Kousik Islam Apurbo, an HSC candidate from Rajshahi Shikkha Board Govt Model School and College, recalled being shot in the foot.
“When violence broke out on August 5 [the day the AL-led government fell], police fired tear gas and sound grenades. I raised both hands and screamed that we won’t run. But then they fired live bullets. One hit my foot. As I bled, a protester with a stomach wound tried to carry me. That was the beauty of July — no one left anyone behind.”
But as their injuries slowed them, more attacks came.
“They beat me, fractured my jaw, stole my phone. Two Varendra students died but they weren’t remembered. Public university martyrs got the cameras. It’s all about footage,” Apurbo said.
Md Abdul Bari from Rajshahi College said most protesters were not from public universities.
“Once Rajshahi University’s dorms shut on July 18, participation dropped. Then it was private university, school, college, madrasa, nursing and polytechnic students who carried it forward.
“We hid in Padma Garden, lived on mashed potatoes and rice. We broke Section 144 in Rajshahi. That was our strength.”
He also highlighted the role of girls. “They weren’t from DU or RU. They were nursing and polytechnic students, and they were brave.”
Shahana Islam, a 10th grader from Jhenidah Wazir Ali School and College, joined with her brother.
“When our senior classmates were attacked on campus on July 16, we couldn’t stay silent. It wasn’t only about quotas. It was about Chhatra League’s brutality. Our first protest was against the attackers and then it became much bigger. We bled together.”
In Dhaka, students from Dhaka College coordinated protests with private university students.
Tanvir Hasan Tushar joined the demo at Naya Bazar.
“Though I’m from Dhaka College, I lived with friends from private universities. We fixed two spots — Naya Bazar and Rampura. Students from United International University, Daffodil, North South and others joined us.
“When we heard about the BRAC University attack, we changed direction. Near Ring Road, police fired tear gas and chased us. A bullet hit my ear, pierced my hand — and damaged my eye. Now I have partial blindness.”
Despite his injury, Tushar remains determined. “I’ve accepted it. But I’m working to stand on my own feet again.”
WHEN MADRASA STUDENTS JOINED
Often sidelined in student politics, madrasa students took an early stand.
Aminul Islam of Darussunnah Kamil Madrasah in Narayanganj recalled starting protests with just 15–20 students.
“After Abu Sayed was killed on July 16, momentum grew. On July 18, police fired on our procession. Many female protesters were injured. It was terrifying.
“Whether I benefit from this movement was not my concern. If it failed, my future children might face the same discrimination. That’s why we joined.”
Hafez Abdullah from Rajshahi, a former Jatrabari Madrasa student, believed the timing was divine.
“The movement began in Muharram. That month has always marked the fall of tyrants. I believed it was symbolic.
“Near Railgate, I saw Awami League cadres standing beside police, ready to attack. I wore a beard and tupi. Back then, that meant being labelled Shibir. We stopped wearing our uniforms.”
His roots in resistance ran deep. “In 2013, we saw our brothers martyred. Every time the chance came — we rose.”